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Introduction |
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In preparing
my most recent topic,
Moral Agents,
I am reading challenging background material. This is very helpful in
bringing forward the central issues, as well as documenting what
people have thought about it.
I have already located the central philosophical controversy concerning my proposals. Lined up on one side of the spitting match are those essentialists who believe moral judgement (reason, rationality, etc) is built-in. On another side, near the essentialists, are the spiritualists, who believe what is built-in resides in an unseen world of spirits. In front of the firing squad are those who believe neither doctrine ...
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I am among those classified as "other." This group, reviled by most of society as out of caste, is a motley collection of nominalists, conventionalists, empiricists, connectionists, materialists, subjectivists and many more hair splitters. What characterizes this group is their disunity, their insistence on peculiar definitions and criteria which serve to separate and isolate each would-be philosophical movement.
Using self-declaration as the touchstone of intelligence and moral judgement changes the problem, bypassing the centuries-long deadlocks in which traditional, contending philosophical schools find themselves. Self-declaration immediately points out the central importance of communication in morality and intelligence. One aspect of communication is the particular methods, another is the content and a third is the implied social relations. Methods include talking, signing or any other physical construction that transmits signals. Centuries ago communication methods would have been limited to language, writing, signing, etc., but now we also include the telegraph, telephone, radio, television and the internet. Rather than confine the methods of communication to the spoken word, we must generalize our notion to all the forms mentionned. The spoken word, originally "language," is a content of transmission, but not the only content. In modern times, we have to generalize content to include all sorts of graphics and art, almost anything which suggests a meaning (whatever "meaning" is). As McLuhan discovered, the mechanism of transmission also influences content: in the extreme case, "The Medium is the Message." McLuhan's insight is similar to Turing's theory that memory and program are the same thing. Nonetheless, most people continue to separate the mechanism of transmission from what is transmitted; i.e., the medium and the message (content). I think the reason for this sticking point is our affinity for "meaning," the value we attribute to what is transmitted. Finally, communication is always at least diadic, hence social, in nature. The loopback circuit is only of interest in test equipment that has a sender and a receiver.
What I call the "Moral Turing Test" is a generalization of what Alan M Turing originally proposed1 to determine intelligence. In his "Imitation Test," an observer communicates with those being tested via a teletype. The testees are hidden behind screens, so that it is impossible to know anything about them except their linguistic performace via the typewriter. Turing described his test as primarily about language, which he believed is the sine qua non of intelligence. He was concerned to set up a double blind test on account of the extreme skepticism (that still exists) concerning intelligent machines. But I don't think all those precautions and limitations are necessary. We can conduct a more open, "free range" test, and still obtain valid results using self-declaration.
Self-declaration opens important possibilities beyond the Turing Test. If intelligence and voluntary choice are artifacts of evolutionary processes, there is more to them than what can be studied in the computer laboratory. Our minds were not sprung fully formed as Athena from the brain of Zeus. Rather, millions of years ago our ancestors were barely different from today's non-human primates. In between, we developed the physical mechanisms of speech and the brain circuitry to use them effectively. We developed a better mechanism of memory and pattern recognition, together with peculiar powers of prognostication. (Forecasting seems to me related to dreaming and imagining, our easily ability to confuse what isn't with what is.) None of those things appear to have happened overnight. Even the last step in the development of modern Homo sapiens (sub species sapiens), about 250,000 years ago, could not have happened in less than several generations. What was it that made the Cro-Magnons, then us, more successful than our immediate predecessors and Neanderthals? While that is a matter of intense controversy and on-going research, one aspect of the research is the origins of self-declaration; i.e., intelligence and consciousness. Adopting self-declaration as starting point moves moral judgements into the realms of science, specifically cultural anthropolgy and sociology, outside the Cognitive Sciences department.
Studying morality as part of culture makes sense to me for several more reasons. Any preliminary survey of various societies will show that different peoples make vastly different judgements about related subjects. Muslims, for example, believe that polygamy is justified by sufficient wealth, although the Qu'ran recommends a limit of 4 wives. Traditional Confucian culture discouraged polygamy, but tolerated it among the wealthy, Mandarins and noble families. Possession of many wives was tolerated in Chinese culture because the rich and powerful maintained harems, while ordinary people could do nothing about it. The same social values were evident in most of India's history. Buddhism had little to say about such marriage customs. The same marriage customs are documented in the Torah. Monogamy was the peculiar invention of Christians, probably not because of any doctrine of women's equality, but because militant and Puritanical Christians disdained sex except for reproduction. Monogamy and polygamy are cultural practices, usually associated with religious beliefs. If those instutitions are involved with moral judgements as most people believe, studying them should reveal how morality came about and what principles are involved.
One of the results of cultural studies might be determining what is or isn't "moral." Suppose, for example, that sexual habits and rituals for the most part have no moral content. Suppose they are just cultural artifacts. We might be able to discover that fact if we have an independent ethical standard of measurement. But what standard would we use? Comparative studies might be very helpful in teasing out the principles. This is to argue that Kepler's discovery of elliptical planetary orbits depended on his having measured planetarey motions, and also being familiar with his predecessor's astronomical observations. No doubt Copernicus' ideas were helpful in extracting the law of equal areas, because Copernicus focussed attention on circular geometries rather than Ptolemaic "wanderings" of the planets. But, even starting with the concept of a non-Copernican system, a skilled geometer might still arrive at Kepler's laws by tabulating the observations the way Kepler did. The story of scientific studies is replete with examples of something new and different discovered in the study of the old and accredited.
What these notes suggest is that the knowledge which I call ethics arises out of findings about morality. Just as Kepler discovered laws later explained in Newton's system of the world, making observations and piecing together regularities of morality should lead to systematic principles of ethics. That is, in the end, we hope to explain whatever is moral about behavior in terms of more general knowledge. If there is any hope for a science of ethics, not just educated opinions, this is how we will develop it.
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1."Computing Machinery and Intelligence," MIND LIX(236):433-460, (1950), reprinted in The Turing Test, Stuart Shieber, ed., London: MIT Press, 2004, pp. 67 ff.
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